The Orient House (Bayt al-Sharq in Arabic) is without a doubt the most politically significant Palestinian institution in occupied East Jerusalem. Built in 1897 as the family home of Ismail Musa al-Husseini, a prominent Jerusalemite, the stately yet simple villa in Sheikh Jarrah served as the center of Palestinian political presence in Jerusalem for decades.1 Described as the “national gathering place for Palestinians in Occupied East Jerusalem”2 and as a “symbol of the unified Palestinian struggle to free east Jerusalem from Israeli occupation,”3 the building was once the headquarters of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Palestine and the only building in Jerusalem to fly the Palestinian flag.
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Wikipedia
The Orient House: The Heart of Palestinian Political Presence in Jerusalem
Ismail Musa al-Husseini stands in front of the newly completed Orient House, 1897.
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Ayman Husseini via This Week in Palestine
On August 10, 2001, a little over two months after the sudden death abroad of Faisal Husseini and nearly a year into the Second Intifada, Israeli forces stormed the Orient House and closed the premises amid a sweeping campaign “to curtail and control all Palestinian institutional presence in East Jerusalem.”4 The doors of the Orient House remain locked shut to this day, its priceless contents either destroyed or confiscated by Israel. But what it stands for—the symbol of Palestinian political life in Jerusalem, of Palestinian endurance in the city against all attempts to erase it—remains as potent as ever.
To understand why the Orient House holds such significance for Palestinians—and therefore, why Israel is so adamant on keeping it closed—we must tell its story and hear about it from Jerusalemites themselves.
A Family Home Designed for Royalty
In 1897, a wealthy landowner, tax collector, and civil administrator from Jerusalem, Ismail Musa al-Husseini (1860–1945), built a luxurious structure in the newly emerging northern neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah as a family home at a time when Jerusalem’s elite were constructing lavish new neighborhoods outside the Old City walls (see The West Side Story, Part 1: Jerusalem before “East” and “West”). Ismail had reason to splurge on his project. Months later, he would be hosting Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany and his wife, Augusta Victoria, during their visit to Palestine. Ismail did not take the honor of hosting European royalty in his home lightly, so he designed the exquisite façade of the building with this upcoming visit in mind.5
The Orient House, Sheikh Jarrah, March 2006
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Wikipedia
Kaiser Wilhelm II, seen in the center with a white cloak and his signature handlebar moustache, is given a tour of the al-Aqsa Mosque compound by the mufti of Jerusalem, Taher Husseini, and his son, Ismail. Jerusalem, 1898.
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Sepia Times/Universal Images Group via Getty Images
The German emperors were not the only royalty to visit Ismail’s home. In 1931, the Sharif of Mecca, Hussein bin Ali, who launched the Great Arab Revolt of 1916 against the Ottomans, died and was buried in al-Haram al-Sharif. His sons, King Abdullah I of Transjordan, King Ali of Hejaz, and Prince Zeid, accepted condolences in the Orient House.6 A few years later, the Emperor of Ethiopia, Haile Selassie, and his wife, Empress Menen Asfaw, sought refuge in Jerusalem when Italian forces overthrew them in 1936.7 They first stayed in the Orient House before moving to other establishments, including the King David Hotel, for the remainder of their nearly two-month exile in Jerusalem.
Ismail Husseini died in 1945 and left the house to his son Ibrahim.8 During the 1948 War, the Orient House, like the homes of other wealthy Jerusalemites, was used in the war effort. Musa Kazem al-Husseini’s home, for example, sheltered orphans and refugees from Deir Yasin (see Deir Yassin Village and Massacre), and the Orient House served as a clinic and convalescent home for the injured. After the war, a small pension called the New Orient House was set up in the building, and several structures were erected in the backyard to serve as office spaces for rent.9
Arguably the most significant renter in these years was the United Nations, which set up the headquarters of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) in 1949 in the upper story of the Orient House for its first two years of operation.10 Thereafter, Ibrahim opened the house to the public by turning it into a hotel that he named the New Orient House—one of the only hotels in East Jerusalem under Jordanian rule. The New Orient House hotel remained open until 1967, when the turmoil of Israel’s occupation of East Jerusalem forced Ibrahim to close the iconic building to the public.11
Short Take
Sheikh Jarrah: The Northern Gateway to Jerusalem
The neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah has historically been the northern gateway to the Old City and a home to powerful Palestinian families and consulates.
The stately façade of the Orient House, Sheikh Jarrah, Jerusalem, 2008
Credit:
Wikipedia
Though the building was largely neglected in the aftermath of the 1967 War, Ibrahim temporarily rented rooms in the house to Jewish settlers from the US in 1968 as they awaited completion of their new homes in the Kiryat Itri settlement north of Jerusalem.12 And in the 1970s, one of the backyard offices was rented to an Israeli film company.13 The decision to rent property to an Israeli company, which seemed to have been driven by profit, was consistent with other decisions taken by this branch of the Husseini family. As early as 1906, Ismail rented land north of Ramallah to Russian Jewish settlers. The family that settled the land—the Shertoks—included the parents of Moshe Sharett, the prominent Zionist leader and second prime minister of Israel. Ismail also received an oil share in southern Palestine from the Standard Oil Company, and in April 1918, following the ouster of the Ottomans and the British military takeover, he shifted his allegiance to the British and met with the Zionist delegation to Jerusalem headed by Chaim Weizmann.14
But this ambiguity surrounding the politics of the Orient House ended with the arrival of a new renter, another famous Husseini by the name of Faisal.
Orient House, Jerusalem, 2018
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kitchener.lord via Flickr
The Orient House’s Revolutionary Era
Born in exile in Baghdad in 1940, Faisal Husseini was the grandson of Musa Kazim al-Husseini, the “undisputed leader of the Palestinian Arabs” and the son of the revolutionary Abdul Qadir al-Husseini, who fought during the 1936 Great Palestinian Revolt and was killed during the Battle of al-Qastal in April 1948.15 Though he did not return to Jerusalem, his hometown, until the age of 24 in 1964, Faisal was politically active as a student and young adult in Baghdad and Cairo. In the autumn of 1956, for example, Faisal and his two brothers volunteered in a popular resistance force that confronted the Israeli, British, and French attack on Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula.16 Two years later, he joined the Movement of Arab Nationalists in Baghdad, established in 1951 by George Habash as a pan-Arab movement committed to Arab unity. Though he had to leave Baghdad shortly thereafter, he returned to Cairo and became a student activist for Palestine. In 1959, he cofounded the General Union of Palestinian Students and met Yasser Arafat in Cairo. And in 1963, he participated in military training organized by the Revenge Youth, a guerrilla group set up by the Movement of Arab Nationalists in Egypt.17
A year later, with the establishment of the PLO, Faisal returned to Jerusalem to manage its public organization department. He held this post for a year and then left to enroll in a military academy in Syria, after which he joined the Palestine Liberation Army, the military wing of the PLO, in 1967. With Israel’s occupation of Jerusalem in June 1967, Faisal supervised a training camp for hundreds of Palestinian volunteers in the Lebanese village of Kayfoun, after which he “infiltrated across the Jordan River to occupied Jerusalem and stayed there,” organizing resistance to the Israeli occupation.18 On October 15, 1967, Israeli forces arrested Faisal and sentenced him to a year in prison.
Following his release, Faisal continued to mobilize from Jerusalem and joined the nationalist and social democratic Fatah movement, which was cofounded by Arafat in 1958. By 1965, Arafat was leading Fatah, and in 1969, he became chairman of the PLO, making Fatah the largest political party in the PLO. By 1970, Faisal was thus in a strong position to lead the political work of the PLO from Jerusalem,19 while Arafat and much of the PLO leadership spent the next two decades governing from absentia and struggling to survive both Israeli and Arab state violence in Jordan, Tunisia, Lebanon, and elsewhere.
Faisal Husseini leaves the Israeli High Court in Jerusalem on August 30, 1988, after it decided against his appeal that court hearings concerning his administrative detention be held in open court.
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Feinblatt/AFP via Getty Images
In 1980, Faisal founded the Arab Studies Society along with a group of Palestinian academics. The society was established as a “specialized library focused on Palestinian history, politics, and society; the Arab World; and the Arab-Israeli conflict.”20 But in reality, it served as much more than a library. As a center of Palestinian intellectualism in Jerusalem, the Arab Studies Society functioned as an archive—an undeniable imprint—of the historic, contemporary, and future existence of Palestine and the Palestinian people. Moreover, Faisal’s directorship of the Arab Studies Society turned it into an indispensable center of Palestinian political sovereignty.
In 1983, Faisal arranged to move the Arab Studies Society into the Orient House, though he himself was put under house and city arrest a year prior in 1982.21 Over the course of the next two decades, the Orient House’s importance was inextricable from that of the Arab Studies Society, which, by 1999, two years before the permanent closure of the Orient House, was massive and housed priceless records:
Beginning with only 200 volumes in 1980, the collection currently includes approximately 17,000 books in both English and Arabic, and 70 periodicals. These holdings include the private library of Musa al-Alami, the chairman of the Arab Office in Jerusalem from 1947-49. In addition to the library there is a Document Center with a document archive, a photograph archive, a press archive, and a section of documents on important contemporary and historical personalities. . . .
The aim of the Document Center is to preserve and protect the intellectual and physical records of Palestine from deterioration. The collection contains 200,000 hard copies of documents and 300,000 copies on microfilm and microfiche. 60 percent of the papers are original documents. The collection covers Palestinian history chiefly from the last period of the Ottoman Empire through to the present and is divided according to subjects such as political parties, economy, education, land sales, Palestinian women, Jewish immigration to Palestine, and Jewish political organizations. The most important documents are those acquired from the Arab Office of Jerusalem, established in 1945 by the Arab League. . . .
The photograph section contains a large collection of original photographs from the Ottoman period to the present. They include glass negatives that go back to the Ottoman period and a fine collection of family photographs from the Mandate period. The collection also contains a photographic survey of Palestine that was conducted by the Arab Studies Society from 1980 to 1984 . . . In addition to the personalities section and the press archive section already mentioned, there is a small Oral History collection consisting of 100 cassettes devoted chiefly to interviews with Palestinians who lived through the Arab Revolt of 1936-1939.22
It was Faisal’s commitment to Jerusalem and to Palestinian self-determination that turned the Orient House into the veritable seat of Palestinian sovereignty in all of historic Palestine. And the Arab Studies Society, with its various departments, was its operational center. From its base within the Orient House, the Arab Studies Society planned and literally mapped Palestinian statehood—in the Maps and Surveys Department, in fact, which oversaw urban planning and development projects, producing significant maps related to Palestinian land and settlements.
Faisal Husseini at a press conference hosted by the Foreign Press Association in April 1989, during the First Intifada
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Barry Iverson via Getty Images
Faisal was released from house arrest in early 1987, but he was again imprisoned from April 1987 to January 1989. During that time, the First Intifada erupted, subjecting the Orient House to frequent attacks by Israeli forces who saw it—along with its leading figures, like Faisal—as a staging ground for the ongoing uprising. In July 1988, “after several attempts to shut off and suspend the services provided by the Orient House” via the Arab Studies Society and its affiliates, Israeli forces “broke into the building and closed down the establishment for ‘security reasons.’”23
But due to a combination of international pressure and the efforts of Faisal and other PLO officials, Israeli forces allowed the Orient House to reopen in 1992 amid the Madrid peace negotiations, in which Faisal was a senior spokesperson. In fact, Faisal assumed such a critical role in the negotiations in Madrid, Washington, and Rome, he turned the Orient House into the hub of PLO activity in Jerusalem and all of historic Palestine.24 For Faisal and the Palestinian leaders at the negotiations, East Jerusalem was slated to be the capital of a future Palestinian state. In effect, starting in 1991, Faisal
used the Orient House Hotel in Jerusalem as his headquarters, and the place became the PLO’s political address in the occupied territories. All the meetings of the Palestinian negotiating team were held there, and official foreign visitors were received there when they came to meet prominent Palestinians.25
Palestinian security agents guard the New Orient House, the PLO’s unofficial office in Jerusalem, February 19, 1996.
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Photo by Awad/AFP via Getty Image
The preparations for the Oslo Accords thus prompted Faisal to rent the entire Orient House in July 1992 from his relatives and to renovate and officially reopen it in October of that year, allowing it “to play a vital role in the initiation of the Middle East peace process.”26 Over the course of the next three years of negotiations, “the Orient House regained its diplomatic status in Jerusalem and once again became the official Palestinian political address in Jerusalem,”27 offering “Palestinians in Jerusalem social, economic and political support in a bid to offset the deprivations caused by the ongoing Israeli military occupation.”28
In addition to housing the Arab Studies Society, the Orient House served as Faisal’s personal office, in which he welcomed various guests ranging from local religious leaders and UN officials, to governmental authorities, heads of state, and other dignitaries. From his office, Faisal and his team also oversaw the daily operations of the Arab Studies Society and organized press events and conferences. An international relations office within the Orient House played a range of diplomatic roles, including organizing official visits and responding to any regional and international foreign affairs of relevance to Palestine and Palestinians.
Beyond its political and diplomatic role, the Orient House served as the economic hub of the would-be Palestinian state, facilitating private sector investments both at the local and international levels, especially in East Jerusalem. Finally, the Orient House included an office responsible for assisting Jerusalem’s Palestinians with difficulties they faced under Israeli occupation, including residency and property rights, as well as access to education, health, and other social services, among other issues. In fact, “On almost any day, ordinary Palestinians turned up at the gates [of the Orient House] to ask for Husseini’s help in fighting Israeli demolition orders or the withdrawal of ID papers.”29 His home was also the site of frequent visits from “suitors looking for an answer to problems: how to get their kids out of jail, for the name of a doctor in Jordan or for some money to tide them over. In response to these problems, Husseini might call anyone from the American consul to an Israeli peace activist or the PLO.”30
Faisal Husseini sits at his desk in the Orient House, 1999.
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Rikard Larma via Getty Images
Faisal Husseini and Hanan Ashrawi, PLO leaders in Jerusalem, meet with US Secretary of State James Baker in Jerusalem on July 21, 1991.
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Esaias Baitel/Gamma-Rapho via Getty Images
Faisal Husseini with his wife, Najat, daughter, Fadwa, and son, Abed. The photo was taken on January 29, 1989, following Faisal’s release from prison.
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Sven Nackstrand/AFP via Getty Images
Faisal Husseini, known among Palestinians as the Lion of Jerusalem, thus “established the city as the de facto capital of Palestine.”31 The Orient House was its headquarters. Indeed, as the Jerusalem Quarterly astutely put it: “It can be said, without exaggeration, that the contingencies of Palestinian statehood were born in the Orient House.”32
A Threat to “Unified Jewish Jerusalem”
The very existence of the Orient House as the seat of Palestinian sovereignty in Jerusalem posed a threat to Israel and an obstacle to its plans to Judaize the entire city. In fact, it was Israel’s refusal to compromise on its sovereignty over Jerusalem—which it unilaterally assigned itself in the 1980 Basic Law: Jerusalem the Capital of Israel, which declared “unified Jerusalem” the capital of Israel, effectively annexing East Jerusalem—that led to the repeated deferral of Jerusalem as a topic of negotiation. For example, on October 5, 1995, Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin addressed the Knesset regarding the negotiations with the Palestinians. In his speech, he outlined the changes that would ensue as part of the “permanent solution.”33 The first change, which he introduced with “first and foremost,” was “united Jerusalem, which will include both Ma‘ale Adumim and Givat Ze’ev—as the capital of Israel, under Israeli sovereignty”34 (see Israel’s Vision of a Greater [Jewish] Jerusalem). For Rabin and the majority of Israeli leaders, the presence of the Orient House as the veritable Palestinian state in Jerusalem was therefore simply out of the question.
This resistance to any compromise on Jerusalem hardened with successive Israeli governments, starting in 1996 with Benjamin Netanyahu’s first term as prime minister. Upon assuming leadership, he pledged to close down the Orient House and any activity by the PLO in the city.35 But for years, they failed. For one, the international community would not stand for an attack on the only institution of Palestinian political sovereignty in Palestine. Moreover, attacking the Orient House contravened the Oslo Accords. On October 11, 1993, in the midst of the negotiations, Israeli foreign minister Shimon Peres assured his Norwegian counterpart in a letter that Israel confirmed the “great importance” of Palestinian institutions in East Jerusalem and that it would “not hamper their activity.”36 Peres’s pledge, signed under pressure from European governments determined to ensure the success of the accords, read as follows:
All the Palestinian institutions of east Jerusalem, including the economic, social, educational, and cultural, and the holy Christian and Muslim places, are performing an essential task for the Palestinian population . . . Needless to say, we will not hamper their activity; on the contrary, the fulfillment of this important mission is to be encouraged.37
As the Jerusalem Quarterly reminds us, “These assurances, like the terms of the Oslo Accords, are binding under international law on all subsequent Israeli governments.”38 But this did not stop Israel’s leaders from targeting the historic building and those associated with it. Months before the Oslo II Accord was even signed, Israel passed the Law Implementing Agreement on Gaza and Jericho Areas (1994), which took effect on January 1, 1995, and states explicitly that the PA “shall not open or operate a representative mission, and shall not hold a meeting, in the area of the State of Israel unless written permission for this has been given by the State of Israel or by someone authorized by it to do so.” It also bans the PLO from operating within the Israeli municipal boundaries of Jerusalem.39
The Israeli officials argued that the Orient House carried out the political activities of the Palestinian Authority (PA) in Jerusalem, which went against the terms agreed upon in the Oslo Accords that the PA, created in 1994 to administer the occupied territories from Ramallah, was banned from operating within the Israeli-controlled municipal boundaries of Jerusalem. Chief among these activities were the many visits by foreign dignitaries, which Israeli officials argued constituted “national activities” since the Orient House functioned as a “de facto foreign ministry.”40
Thus, and in addition to the Orient House, “Israel began to harass, and sometimes expel, the staff of the bulk of Palestinian institutions, including trade unions, cultural foundations, theatre groups, and even musical and concert halls such as Yabous and Hakawati theatre.”41 Their justification, time and again, was that these Jerusalem locations were being used to orchestrate PA activities.
A group of Palestinians, including Faisal Husseini (on the left waving his hand) and Hanan Ashrawi (center left, next to Faisal), and Israelis from the Gush Shalom (Peace Bloc) movement, stand outside the Orient House holding posters calling for Jerusalem to be the capital of two states, April 3, 1999.
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Awad Awad/AFP via Getty Images
But the Orient House “was on top of the list for closure” due to its importance for planning Palestinian statehood.42 Israeli leaders were thus more strategic and thorough in how they attacked the Orient House during the 1990s. For example, Ehud Olmert, while serving as mayor of Jerusalem, objected to the operations of the Orient House and refused to meet with Faisal Husseini, demanding that he pay $300,000 in municipal taxes for breaking the law in Jerusalem. Husseini refused, arguing that the Orient House was exempt due to its status as a diplomatic institution.43
Israeli settlers demonstrate outside the Orient House on June 8, 1994, protesting the presence of the PLO in Jerusalem. They raise a large banner that reads “PLO OUT” while waving Israeli flags to symbolize Jerusalem as the eternal capital of Israel.
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Sven Nackstrand/AFP via Getty Images
The Looting and Shuttering of the Orient House
On May 31, 2001, Faisal died of a heart attack in Kuwait, nearly a year into the Second Intifada that had originally erupted in Jerusalem. With Faisal out of the way, Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon determined that the time was ripe to shut down the Orient House permanently.
In the early morning hours of August 10, and using the pretext of security following the Sbarro restaurant suicide bombing the day prior, Israeli forces laid siege to the building for the last time—along with nine other Palestinian institutions in East Jerusalem. Operating under Sharon’s orders, Israeli forces looted “irreplaceable research documents and other valuables.”44 These included the photographic collection of the Arab Studies Society, as well as “personal belongings, confidential information relating to the Jerusalem issue, and documents referring as far back as the 1991 Madrid conference.” Faisal’s office was “completely emptied. Impounded under the pretext of ‘security,’ the archives contain numerous documents and files that are integral to future development strategies for East Jerusalem and to the assistance of Palestinian negotiators.”45 The location of the contents of the Orient House remains unknown.
Palestinians hang Palestinian flags outside the Orient House to honor the sudden death of Faisal Husseini, May 31, 2001.
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Awad Awad/AFP via Getty Images
Israeli police and soldiers stand outside the Orient House on August 10, 2001, while forces raid and shut the premises the day after the suicide bombing at the Sbarro restaurant in Jerusalem.
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Courtney Kealy via Getty Images
Israel’s Assault on Palestinian Existence
It is important to understand the closure of the Orient House as part of Israel’s ongoing assault on Palestinian existence—past and present. Beyond the mass looting of Palestinian homes and institutions that took place during the 1948 War, “in 1982, as the PLO evacuated Beirut, Israeli forces sequestered the Palestine Research Center’s entire archive, which consisted of some 25,000 volumes in Arabic, Hebrew and French and served as a depository of Palestine’s historical, political, and cultural heritage.”46 And since October 7, 2023, Israel has attacked and destroyed every single university, school, library, archive, and center of knowledge production in Gaza, annihilating centuries of recorded Palestinian existence.
In autumn 2021, the Jerusalem Quarterly dedicated an editorial to the Orient House. The editorial team shared these grim words:
We should not forget that the frozen status of the Orient House reflects the sum total of these issues of creeping annexation of Jerusalem. After all, the Orient House exists in the heart of Shaykh Jarrah. It is still continuously harassed by the visible presence of the border police, indicating that East Jerusalem is just as thoroughly occupied, if not more lethally, as Hebron and Nablus.47
The Orient House is thus more than an emblem of Palestinian political sovereignty in Jerusalem and the nucleus of a future Palestinian state. It is a microcosm of the Zionist project to suppress and erase the very lifeforces of Palestinian national existence in Jerusalem and across historic, colonized Palestine.
Notes
1
“Al-Husseini, Ismail Musa Taher (1860–1945),” PASSIA, accessed March 28, 2025.
2
“Orient House—Palestinian Center for Micro-Projects Development,” Youth Development Department, accessed March 28, 2025.
3
“The Orient House,” MIFTAH, May 31, 2003.
4
“Editorial: The Orient House and Its Ordeals,” Jerusalem Quarterly 87 (2021): 3–8.
5
“Editorial: The Orient House and Its Ordeals.”
6
“The Orient House.”
7
“Editorial: The Orient House and Its Ordeals.”
8
“The Orient House.”
9
Danny Rubinstein, “The Rise and Fall of Orient House,” Haaretz, August 13, 2001.
10
“Editorial: The Orient House and Its Ordeals.”
11
“The Orient House.”
12
Dov Goldstein, “Rabbi Elefant and ‘His Immigrants’” [in Hebrew], Maariv, August 30, 1968.
13
Rubinstein, “The Rise and Fall of Orient House.”
14
“Al-Husseini, Ismail Musa Taher.”
15
“Musa Kazim al-Husseini,” Jerusalem Story, December 15, 2023.
16
“Faisal al-Husseini,” Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question, accessed March 28, 2025.
17
“Faisal al-Husseini.”
18
“Faisal al-Husseini.”
19
“Faisal al-Husseini.”
20
Editorial Staff, “The Arab Studies Society Library,” Jerusalem Quarterly 6 (1999): 52.
21
Editorial Staff, “The Arab Studies Society Library.”
22
Editorial Staff, “The Arab Studies Society Library.”
23
“Orient House—Palestinian Center.”
24
To learn more about Faisal’s work during these years, see “Interview with Faysal Hussaini,” Journal of Palestine Studies 18, no. 4 (1989): 3–17.
25
“Faisal al-Husseini.”
26
“Orient House—Palestinian Center.”
27
“Orient House—Palestinian Center.”
28
“The Orient House.”
29
Suzanne Goldenberg and Brian Whitaker, “Husseini the ‘Voice of Sanity’ Dies,” Guardian, June 1, 2001.
30
Daniel Williams, “The Quiet Palestinian,” Los Angeles Times, June 7, 1992.
31
“Faisal al-Husseini.”
32
“Editorial: The Orient House and Its Ordeals.”
33
“Yitzhak Rabin’s Address to Knesset after Israeli-Palestinian Agreement,” Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question, accessed March 28, 2025.
34
“Yitzhak Rabin’s Address.”
35
“The Orient House.”
36
Editorial Staff, “The Looted Archives of the Orient House,” Jerusalem Quarterly 13 (2001).
37
“Orient House under Israeli Occupation,” MIFTAH, August 13, 2001.
38
Editorial Staff, “The Looted Archives.”
39
“Law Implementing Agreement on Gaza and Jericho Areas (Restrictions of Activity) 1994 (January 4, 1995),” Jewish Virtual Library, accessed February 25, 2025.
40
Denise Diane Pritchard, “Representing Jerusalem: A Critical Geopolitical Analysis of the Role of Orient House in the Constitution of Palestinian National Identity, 1993–1999” (master’s thesis, University of Victoria, 2000), 10–11.
41
“Editorial: The Orient House and Its Ordeals.”
42
“Editorial: The Orient House and Its Ordeals.”
43
Roger Friedland and Richard Hecht, To Rule Jerusalem (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 450–51.
44
Editorial Staff, “The Looted Archives.”
45
Editorial Staff, “The Looted Archives.”
46
Editorial Staff, “The Looted Archives.”
47
“Editorial: The Orient House and Its Ordeals.”