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A green door leads to the entrance of the Indian Hospice in Jerusalem’s Old City, November 7, 2018

Credit: 

Satdeep Gill, Creative Commons

Blog Post

Indians at Herod’s Gate

“You are in India now.”

With these words, author Navtej Sarna was welcomed into the Indian Hospice (also called Baba Farid’s hospice), located in Jerusalem’s Old City. Sarna’s self-imposed mission is to understand the history of the Indian presence in Jerusalem. From the al-Ansari family, the custodians of the hospice, he gets the broad outline of that story, which he supplements with news articles and other memoirs, histories, waqf records, and travelogues. The end result is Indians at Herod’s Gate: A Jerusalem Tale, a very readable and interesting account about a part of Jerusalem’s history that is not well known.

Left: The book cover of Indians at Herod’s Gate depicting a night image of the Old City; right: author of the book, Navtej Sarna

Left: The book cover of Indians at Herod’s Gate depicting a night image of the Old City; right: author of the book, Navtej Sarna

Credit: 

Left: Jaipur Literature Festival; right: Amazon

The Zawiya’s Earliest Days

The author begins his story with Salah al-Din's conquest of Jerusalem, wresting the city from the hands of the Crusaders, but doing so without bloodshed, just as Caliph Omar had done centuries earlier. Salah al-Din began to Islamize Jerusalem, and one of his goals was to make Jerusalem available to foreign Muslim pilgrims who had been denied access to the holy city while it was under Christian rule.

One of those who came to Jerusalem was an Indian mystic, Baba Farid, who had been born into a Punjabi family “that could trace its lineage to Caliph Omar.”1 At a young age, he was identified as having spiritual power. The hospice had its origins in the room in which he meditated during his 40-day stay in the holy city. Other rooms were added to it, which together were dedicated as a waqf that would serve Indian pilgrims who passed through the holy city on their way to or from Mecca. That was in the 13th century, and it has been in continuous use ever since.

A painting of Baba Farid in the Indian Hospice in Jerusalem, who stayed there for 40 days, November 7, 2018

Monument to Baba Farid, the 13th-century Indian mystic whose meditation chamber evolved into the sprawling Indian Hospice, November 7, 2018

Credit: 

Satdeep Gill, Creative Commons

Sarna's musings about people and places during his meandering around the city help him place his attention within the broader focus of historical changes in the city in which the hospice developed over the years. He spends time socializing at the American Colony Hotel, which takes him to the Husseini family history, and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre leads him to the family of Sari Nusseibeh, whose (Muslim) family has been in possession of the church’s keys to keep the peace among the fractious Christian denominations. It was a very commonsensical resolution of what might have been a contentious, no-win battle: Let a Muslim keep the key.

The grounds of the Indian Hospice in Jerusalem, November 7, 2018

A patio at the Indian Hospice in Jerusalem with trees, plants, and flowers surrounding it, November 7, 2018

Credit: 

Satdeep Gill, Creative Commons

One year, during Christian Holy Week, he notices various sects in a procession carrying their crosses on the Via Dolorosa (an ancient route in Jerusalem’s Old City that is believed to follow the route that Jesus took to be crucified).

Large crosses, flags, ornate robes, impressive beards, and decorated cortèges pass by through the narrow lanes, all moving toward the Holy Sepulchre.

Suddenly the adhan rises from some mosque. A very Jerusalem moment.2

Sarna’s observation captures an ordinary occurrence that most locals take as a given: this easy mingling of religious practices. Clearly, he is charmed by it.

Poring through the waqf records with the assistance of Nazir al-Ansari (the son of the hospice director), he begins to reconstruct the history of the hospice. In the past, there were many scattered Indian hospices, but in 1824, an Indian sheikh made the case for exchanging some of the properties with rooms adjacent to the hospice at Herod’s Gate to consolidate the services and management. Through that deal, the original hospice grew by seven rooms, a courtyard, and two water tanks.

In 1846, another Indian sheikh bought property in the vicinity and added it to the hospice property. (Other additions were made during World War II.) The result is the current sprawling hospice, which covers 7,000 square meters. The hospice properties also feature noncontiguous areas, the author later learns, including a bakery and a two-dunum mini-zoo in Bab al-Hutta with ducks, hens, peacocks, turkeys, and black swans.

Evliya bin Dervish, an Ottoman explorer, visited Palestine twice in the 17th century and wrote a travelogue in which he describes his trips in exhaustive detail. Sarna pores over the text and easily locates places he has come to know from walking those roads centuries later.

Wajih Nusseibeh climbs the ladder to open the doors of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, April 7, 2007.
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Little seems to have changed in three hundred and fifty years. A name here or there, more people, a few cars, an empire or two gone back to dust—but other than that, he is spot on. To the north of the Haram was the abode of the Indians he said, and there it was. Probably in the madrassa over the northern porticoes and beyond, the pilgrims from India lived and prayed and fasted in the various properties belonging to the Zawiya al-Hindiya, spread over the narrow lanes of the Bab Hutta quarter of the city. And something must have made him conclude that this was the madrasa that was the best looked after amongst all of those present in seventeenth-century Jerusalem.3

Another trove of documents pertaining to Jerusalem’s history, this one maintained in the Islamic university in Abu Dis, allows the author to make definitive statements about the Indian presence in Jerusalem: Most of the Indians came for religious purposes and resided in Bab Hutta; they came from different parts of India and had sheikhs represent them when they had to deal with the authorities. By the 1600s, “they had a strong presence in Jerusalem, not only in one hospice that we know today but in several.”4

The al-Ansari Family: The Custodians

The history of the al-Ansari family, the custodians of the hospice, is revealed through numerous conversations over endless cups of tea. Nazir’s grandfather was sent to Jerusalem in 1924 by the Indian Khilafat movement, which had supported the Ottoman Empire, to check on the hospice. The author’s reading helps him flesh out the details in this telegraphic account, and Hajj Amin al-Husseini enters the picture. The mufti was named president of the Supreme Muslim Council in 1922, and he decided to restore the dilapidated structures of al-Haram al-Sharif in part to rally Arabs and Muslims to the Palestinian cause. The restoration project required money, and so he sent a delegation to India, land of wealthy Muslim princes, and to meet with the Indian Khilafat movement. The movement had heard that the hospice needed attention and decided 45-year-old Sheikh Nazir was the man for the job.

From then on, Jerusalem became his home; he settled in the city and set to repair the hospice. He became a prominent figure in Jerusalem society, in part due to his membership on the Supreme Muslim Council and his personal relationship with the mufti. (The mufti and al-Ansari would travel together to India in 1933 to raise funds and to arouse anti-British sentiment, but they do not seem to have been particularly successful on either score).

By 1935, al-Ansari had managed to turn the hospice around, as attested to by a Calcutta lawyer in a signed letter (addressee not specified):

Bio Amin al-Husseini

A founder of the Palestinian nationalist movement; a devout, diplomatic, and popular leader who spent much of his career in exile

Great works for the betterment of the Muslim community are nearly always founded on the personal sacrifice of an individual. In this case it happens to be a man of a distinguished family who renounced the ease of his own home and undertook a voluntary role to serve the Muslim community. [The zawiya] is now a living institution giving its services without any questions to whomsoever of the Indian Motherland, who cares to knock at its door. Rich and poor here are treated alike and no effort is spared by Mr. Ansari in making his guests feel at ease and at home . . . 5

Between 1924 and 1939, an average of 2,000 pilgrims a year stayed at the hospice, a much larger number than the African pilgrims who came each year and stayed at the African quarter. The sheikh’s son recalled that the Indian pilgrims brought folding beds and even kerosene stoves with them from India.

For his labor, Sheikh al-Ansari received 10 Palestinian pounds a month, a sum set by the Ottoman authorities and continued through the Colonial British Mandate; in 1948, the waqf took over and paid the symbolic fee of one pound. The hospice received bread and later cash from the Khaski Sultan Takiyya. The pilgrims, too, contributed to the hospice. (They stopped coming when World War II broke out).

Most of the Indians came for religious purposes and resided in Bab al-Hutta.

From the stories Nazir shared about his childhood, we learn interesting details about life in Jerusalem in the 1930s. There was no running water; people filled water buckets from wells at al-Haram al-Sharif. There was no electricity either; at twilight, each lantern had to be manually lit. He recalled getting a telephone in 1930. Three Indian families lived outside the Old City and were relatively well off; one of them had an indoor toilet, which made an impression on the young Nazir once someone explained how it works. These families lived near the King David Hotel and lived through the trauma of the 1946 explosion; in 1948 they had apparently had enough and left for Libya.

Jerusalem’s Indian Hospice, 1945

The Indian Hospice in 1945

Credit: 

Courtesy of Ahmad al-Ansari for Dawn e-paper

Jerusalem’s King David Hotel; the YMCA is behind it, on the right.
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The author supplements these recollections with Wasif Jawhariyya’s memoirs, which tells of a very different Jerusalem, one “given to hedonistic living with tales of drinking, smoking drugs, housing concubines in apartments of pleasure, all-night bachelor parties.”6 He turns to Israeli historian Ilan Pappe to learn about Jerusalem before and during World War II. (“Palestine was not a war zone. Instead, it was an enormous army camp . . . ”).7 For Indian soldiers fighting with the British in northern Africa, the Indian Hospice was a leave camp. The increase in hospice guests required a staff of 150 to operate smoothly. Two kitchens were set up: one for the Muslims and Christians and another for the Hindus. The army added two wings to the hospice to accommodate the guests: the Travancore wing and the Delhi Manzil, which the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) later rented for its health clinic. Al-Ansari regularly spoke to the Indian soldiers about the importance of maintaining loyalty to their homeland first and then to their religion.

When war broke out in Palestine, Nazir’s father Munir decided to remain in Jerusalem, in part to maintain the little India he had devoted 25 years of his life to sustaining. The period 1950–1967 was great for the hospice: “The place was full of spirit, full of joy, full of pilgrims all the time.”8 His stepmother Mariam worked as a tour guide, taking the pilgrims to sites in Arab Jerusalem and elsewhere in the rest of the West Bank.

Bio Wasif Jawhariyyeh

A musician and diarist who created an invaluable account of life in Jerusalem from the late Ottoman to the British Mandate periods

“The place was full of spirit, full of joy, full of pilgrims all the time.”

Nazir al-Ansari

However, the 1967 War (also known as the Naksa) brought disaster to the al-Ansari family. The hospice took a direct hit. Beyond the material damage, Munir’s mother, sister, and nephew were killed by shrapnel. While other members of the family were in the hospital recovering from injuries sustained, they heard the sound of the bulldozers destroying the Moroccan Quarter. The event was sufficiently disturbing that Nazir always pointed hospice visitors to a map in the hospice lobby, which showed the Old City when the Moroccan Quarter was still part of the topography.

The hospice administration has had to remain vigilant as threats to the property come from both Palestinian and Israeli sources. Muslim clergy rented part of the facility for a nominal fee and then reneged on the arrangement made with the hospice and refused to vacate; the hospice had to resort to nonlegal steps to force them out. As for the Israelis, their interest in all property in the Old City is well known. The author tells of a Palestinian family that left home to attend a wedding, leaving only one person behind, and upon their return found that Jewish settlers had taken over their home. It is, the author notes with characteristic understatement, an “uncertain time.”

Only by reading the dustjacket does the reader learn that Sarna is also a novelist, short story writer, and India’s ambassador to Israel (between 2008 and 2012), presumably when he was working on the text. He does not mention his diplomatic status, but it might explain in part his curiosity about a community whose interests he was expected to represent in his official capacity, a community that retained its Indian heritage while being thoroughly integrated in Palestinian society. As a diplomat, however, he oversaw the strengthening of military and economic relations between India and Israel, even while the whole world was by then denouncing Israel’s apartheid policies.9 One wonders whether he struggled with that, knowing as he did from his exchanges with friends at the zawiya—who are clearly Indian and fully integrated as Palestinians in their community—the negative effect of those policies on their lives.

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Notes

1

Navtej Sarna, Indians at Herod’s Gate: A Jerusalem Tale (New Delhi: Rainlight, 2014), 19.

2

Page 28.

3

Page 108.

4

Page 110.

5

Page 64.

6

Page 81.

7

Page 83.

8

Page 144.

9

Penny Johnson, “An Indian Corner in Jerusalem,” Jerusalem Quarterly 62 (Spring 2015): 97-101.

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