Despite Israel’s Ban, UNRWA Hangs on in East Jerusalem

Israel’s antipathy for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) prompted the Israeli parliament to pass two laws aimed at crippling the functioning of UNRWA across the occupied West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and Gaza.1

The laws set a deadline of January 29, 2025 for the termination of UNRWA’s services in East Jerusalem. As of mid-February 2025, however, most of UNRWA's facilities are still operating.

Perhaps signaling a coming crackdown, on February 18, 2025, Israeli security personnel tried to force their way onto the grounds of three small UNRWA schools in Silwan, Wadi al-Joz and Sur Bahir, serving 250 students, and the Qalandiya Training Center, a large compound next to Qalandiya refugee camp where 40 staff members provide vocational training to 350 students. The training center was forced to close for the day, and Israeli forces fired tear gas and sound bombs. “This is a violation of the basic right to education as well as of United Nations privileges and immunities,” declared UNRWA Commissioner-General Phillippe Lazzarini.2

The following day, however, all of the schools opened normally, according to UNRWA officials.

Since its establishment in 1949, UNRWA has provided essential services to Palestinian refugees in the West Bank (including East Jerusalem), Gaza, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. In East Jerusalem, it offers primary healthcare to approximately 33,000 refugees through two clinics, and educates around 1,774 students in six schools, three of them in Shu'fat refugee camp.3 UNRWA also provides “basic food supplies and cash subsidies, as well as emergency cash grants and adequate shelter” to refugees in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.4 The UNRWA headquarters in Sheikh Jarrah has been central to its operations.

Israel has long wanted to terminate UNRWA services as a first step toward ending the demands of Palestinian refugees to return to their towns and villages in historic Palestine as mandated in UN General Assembly Resolution 194.

In September 2018, former mayor Nir Barkat stated on Israeli TV that he would work to expel UNRWA from the city. “Removing UNRWA will reduce incitement and terrorism, improve services to residents, increase the Israelization of eastern Jerusalem, and contribute to Israeli sovereignty and the unity of Jerusalem,” he claimed; “UNRWA is a foreign and unnecessary entity that has failed miserably, and I intend to remove it from Jerusalem.”5

Israel used the October 7, 2023 Hamas attack as an opportunity to launch a concerted attack on UNRWA, accusing its staff of participating in the attack (without providing evidence) and urging Western countries to defund the UN agency. Many countries announced they would stop funding the agency (although a significant number later quietly resumed).6 An independent panel set up by the UN Secretary-General in the wake of Israel’s accusations released its report in April 2024 in which it made recommendations to address what has been described as the “neutrality challenge” and to improve communication with donors.7

In conjunction with the smear campaign against UNRWA, in October 2024, as noted, the government passed two laws that ban UNRWA from operating in the Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories.8

This legislation led to the cessation of all coordination and contact between UNRWA and the Israeli government as of January 30, 2025.9 Consequently, international staff were forced to leave East Jerusalem, and the agency's ability to deliver services has been significantly hindered.

Responding to pressure from Israel and pro-Israeli lobbyists, the international community has expressed concern over these developments and demanded explanations from the UN agency. UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini highlighted the agency's struggles amidst escalating pressures, including the Israeli ban and the loss of US government  funding. While UNRWA has managed to maintain services in Gaza and the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) on a reduced scale, it faces significant long-term challenges. Lazzarini emphasized the need for increased contributions from other donor countries to sustain operations and counteract efforts aimed at dismantling the agency.10

The US, one of UNRWA’s founding countries and formerly its largest donor, suspended UNRWA funding in January 2024, under President Joe Biden. The suspension on UNRWA funding is currently in effect until March 2025.

In addition to Israeli legislation and international pressure, UNRWA’s East Jerusalem offices have been subjected to arson attacks, protests by Israeli Jewish extremists, and eviction notices. UNRWA staff have also been subjected to violence and arrests. (The attacks were vastly more lethal in Gaza, where as many as 222 UNRWA staff members were killed and more than two-thirds of the facilities have been damaged or destroyed between October 7, 2023 and September 26, 2024.11)

On January 29, 2025, the Israeli authorities declined to renew work visas for UNRWA’s international staff, compelling them to empty and vacate their offices in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of East Jerusalem. UNRWA asked local staff not to work from the location because it could not ensure their safety. However, the Sheikh Jarrah offices remain a UN facility, protected by privileges and immunities.

Until February 18, 2025, Israel had not sought to impede operations at UNRWA schools and clinics, although the facilities fall within the Israeli official boundaries of Jerusalem. Rumors that the Palestine Red Crescent Society has agreed to take over the UNRWA clinics have been roundly denied by Palestinian society.12

Were Israel to close East Jerusalem’s UNRWA schools, it would interrupt the education of about 1,774 students. Where would students go in the middle of the school year? How would they overcome the challenges of integrating into alternative educational institutions? As of 2024, East Jerusalem already had a shortage of 2,447 classrooms,13 which means the existing schools will be unable to accommodate a large influx of UNRWA students. The Jerusalem Municipality, in collaboration with the Ministry of Education, has expressed intentions to accommodate these students within the Israeli educational framework. However, such a transition is likely to be fraught with challenges, including potential curriculum changes, language issues, and cultural adjustments.

Salah al-Zahika, one of Arab Jerusalem’s political leaders and the chair of the Jerusalem Development Society, told Jerusalem Story that he views the lack of coordination as typical of the Palestinian Authority (PA)’s approach to all other areas of needs in Jerusalem, and the multiplicity of references and the loss of the compass and guidance led the country to what it is now, one misfortune after another, with no solution in sight.14

Al-Zahika suggested that distance education in UNRWA schools could be a creative solution if the occupation closes schools and controls the buildings belonging to UNRWA.

However, political science professor Dr. Amjad al-Shehab, also familiar with the city’s educational affairs, believes that Israel is still likely to close the UNRWA schools and channel the students to its Israeli schools and curricula. He says this would be a setback for East Jerusalem and its people because it would strengthen Israel’s control over the education sector. UNRWA schools utilize the curricula of the state where they are located; in East Jerusalem, the schools use the Palestinian curriculum. More than 50 percent of Palestinian schools in East Jerusalem are currently Israeli government schools.15 For Jerusalem-area schoolchildren, the elimination of UNRWA schools would increase Israeli authorities' control, imposing an Israeli curriculum that erases the Palestinian narrative. This could, in turn, weaken young Palestinians’ sense of belonging to Jerusalem as a historically Arab city.

Beyond education, UNRWA provides essential healthcare services to at least 33,000 Palestinian refugees through its two clinics in the Shu‘fat and Qalandiya refugee camps.

The cessation of UNRWA’s operations could disrupt access to medical services for these individuals, potentially leading to a healthcare crisis in the community.

"These laws are in contravention of Israel's obligations as a Member State," UNRWA director in the West Bank Roland Friedrich told UN News in an interview. "This is extremely problematic both in terms of what international law has to say but also concerning our work on the ground. Another impact of those laws has been on the impediment of coordinating directly with Israeli duty bearers and particularly the Israeli military. That means at the moment, we can't speak to them, we can't deconflict, we can't raise issues concerning our installations and we can't address access issues directly anymore."16

The international community has expressed concern over Israel’s decision. UNRWA's Commissioner-General, Philippe Lazzarini, warned that the Israeli ban could "heighten instability and deepen despair" in the occupied Palestinian territories.17

UNRWA has stated its commitment to continue its services, and its facilities remain operational as of this writing.18 But the uncertainty surrounding UNRWA’s future in Jerusalem has instilled a pervasive sense of anxiety among both beneficiaries and staff. Students and employees live in constant fear of potential raids by Israeli police, possible arrests, and the closure of educational and medical centers. One UNRWA employee in Jerusalem who asked not to be identified for fear of Israeli retaliation told Jerusalem Story that UNRWA’s absence “would signify the loss of the right of return, the Judaization of Jerusalem, and attempt to turn educational curricula into Israeli curriculum.”19

UNRWA’s situation in Jerusalem remains precarious. The international community's support is crucial in ensuring that UNRWA can maintain its operations during these turbulent times.