JS: Can you elaborate on which Palestinian neighborhoods are under the greatest threat?
SK: There are two threats: There is the threat of settlement construction, and there is the threat of actual land grabs underneath existing homes, which I would say is even more alarming, because it can lead to home demolitions and/or evacuations. There are about eight new settlements being planned on land that has been completed under SOLT, so that is one aspect. The other is where SOLT is being completed where Palestinians actually live in Palestinian neighborhoods, and for the most part, this [land] is not being registered in their names—as I said, only one percent was registered to Palestinian owners. So land is being registered to other bodies—state bodies and settler-enterprise-related bodies—also where Palestinians live. This has already happened in two places —in Umm Tuba and in Umm Haroun [in the Palestinian neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah]. In Umm Tuba, the land has been registered to the JNF, and in Umm Haroun, to private Jewish ownership from before 1948 [and the municipality]. It is important to mention that Palestinians are not being given the same possibility of reclaiming their land that was lost.
And when we look at the places where SOLT is now ongoing, not yet completed, we see many more of these [types of] areas, so that’s alarming, such as in Silwan and in Beit Hanina, and in other places.
JS: As you mentioned, only 1 percent of the land has been registered to Palestinians. So why has this happened, especially since the renewal of SOLT was promoted by the Israeli government as being beneficial to East Jerusalem and Palestinians?
SK: In general, land registration processes should and can be important and crucial for development, especially in urban areas. The problem is that the process has to be transparent and fair, and the legal structures and the other laws that are in place and required as part of the SOLT process basically make it impossible for the process to be fair in the context of Jerusalem and the [Israeli] occupation. For example, the Absentees’ Property Law has to be frozen in East Jerusalem so that the process can actually achieve the stated goal of being beneficial for Palestinians [see How Israel Applies the Absentees’ Property Law to Confiscate Palestinian Property in Jerusalem]. When we realized that that was not going to happen, and as the data started coming in, the only rational way to think about it is that the process cannot be done in this way, when Absentee Property laws are, on the one hand, being forced on Palestinians, while in a completely discriminatory fashion, Jews are being allowed to reclaim their land from before 1948 under the same law.
JS: According to Bimkom’s findings, only about 640 housing units were approved in 2025 for Palestinians in Jerusalem, compared to nearly 9,000 in the rest of the city. Why was 2025 such a low point in approval of housing for Palestinians compared to previous years?
SK: Planning processes are long term, and so it can take some years to see the trends in the data. What we’re showing is that 2025 is a culmination of a process that has been taking place over years: the numbers are dropping, the discrimination is increasing and intensifying, the planning institutions have been instructed to collaborate with SOLT; it is virtually impossible to receive building permits—basically we’re seeing a freeze in planning and building for Palestinians.
In parallel to this freeze, we’re also seeing an exponential growth for settlement construction and Jewish Israeli presence in the city versus the erasure of Palestinian presence in the city.